He's attempting to take advantage of their misfortunes in their home countries. It's very predatory that he spends money to go to another country to look for such he assumes vulnerable women. It's the same line of thinking as people who pay a prostitute for sex. Except, this guy is doing it wrong. Very wrong. The bigger sharks like the guy running the website are instead feeding of guys like this.
Who seems to have no idea that Asian women are actual human beings and not a stereotype of subservience. Cake Day.
Cringe-Worthy and Totally Awkward Photos from Russian Dating Sites (21 pics) - guyboutdustrafdi.gq
Looks like you're using new Reddit on an old browser. Guy spends thousands of dollars trying to find a wife way out of his league overseas - Kind of sad for him. Reality TV. View discussions in 9 other communities.
Continue this thread. I think they charge for translations. Cringe This is more sad to me than cringe. No desire to hit the stop button? I stopped 3 seconds in. The first year of the Trump presidency has seen a return to the vicious cycle that has characterised US—Russia interaction since the fall of the Soviet Union. Expectation and enthusiasm then give way to disappointment and resentment.
Each time the relationship sinks to a new low, only for another president to hold out the hope of a fresh start.
What makes the current situation worse still is that Trump and Putin have been unable to score even the most nominal of successes. Before the Hamburg meeting mainstream Russian commentators were already acknowledging that anything short of a complete disaster would be a good outcome. Even these modest objectives look problematic. Divergent world views, historical mistrust, conflicting priorities, and unstable personalities may end up putting Washington and Moscow on a collision course.
But his presidency has instead revealed a reverse Midas touch — the more he says and does, the worse things turn out. And in the case of the US—Russia relationship, this significantly increases the chances of an accident arising from mutual misperceptions and miscalculation. It marked the end of any semblance of post-Cold War consensus, and saw the re-emergence instead of an overtly adversarial view of international politics.
By early , the relationship had sunk to its lowest point since the early s. It was now almost entirely dysfunctional, reflecting opposing visions of regional and global security, and competing priorities and interests. Putin and Obama made little secret of their personal antipathy,  while popular and elite attitudes were overwhelmingly negative. The increasingly dangerous direction of travel would have been reinforced had Hillary Clinton won the US presidential election.
It also provoked mixed feelings. The predominant reaction in Moscow was one of schadenfreude at seeing Hillary Clinton receive her comeuppance, while revelling in the unambiguous consternation of the Washington establishment. Over the past nine months, Putin has adopted a wait-and-see approach. Such restraint, however, does not mean that Putin has no clear agenda, or that he is prepared to wait indefinitely. Trump will be held accountable on his ability to deliver.
Russia self-evidently does not possess the multidimensional capacities of the United States. Nor is Putin interested in taking on a global leadership role similar to that assumed by Washington over the past three decades. Instead, he wants parity on issues where he sees Russia as having vital interests: strategic nuclear stability; conflict management in the post-Soviet neighbourhood; the future of Syria and the wider Middle East; and global energy policy.
Just as the United States takes a selective approach to international law, so Putin believes Russia should enjoy similar prerogatives and dispensations. The classical realist notion that great powers decide and smaller countries abide resonates strongly. This is a post-hegemonic world, based on great power checks and balances, in which Russia plays a crucial role as the global swing state.
It recalls the sovereign-based order that emerged after the Congress of Vienna. The identity of the main players has changed, but for Moscow the principles are timeless: fealty to ideas such as the balance of power and collective mutual restraint; the preservation of spheres of influence; and full sovereignty for the great powers. No one power would be able to impose its will on the others, who would act together to restrain hegemonic ambition from wherever it came. Other, more specific priorities arise out of this general foundation. The Putin regime seeks the removal of Western sanctions imposed following its annexation of Crimea and the downing of flight MH Its primary motivation here is not economic, but political.
The Kremlin desires the reversal of missile defence and NATO forward deployments, but for geopolitical rather than hard security reasons. The point is not that such deployments pose an existential threat to Russia, but that they are seen as part of a larger Western effort to contain and intimidate it. In the world imagined by Moscow, the transatlantic security consensus would further fray and eventually break apart.
The unitary West would become obsolete. Western-led globalisation would unravel. Liberal conceptions of democracy would be discredited. Russia would have a freer hand in its neighbourhood. Undercut by American indifference, Berlin and Paris might revert to the type of relations they had with Moscow during the first decade of this century. In time, the erosion of transatlantic relations could lead to the removal of Western sanctions, and progress towards a settlement in Ukraine that would allow the Kremlin to maintain lasting leverage over Kyiv. Operationally, Putin seeks a personal interaction with Trump that would cut through the anti-Kremlin consensus in Washington, and improve the chances of a sympathetic hearing on key Russian priorities.
The contrast between an apparently stable Russia and an increasingly dysfunctional United States plays well at home. The US president has become the number one bogeyman for many, while the Russian president has gained growing respectability and admiration in many quarters, not least in the West. There are, however, several caveats to the Kremlin view. The risks were exemplified by the US Tomahawk missile strikes against the Syrian air base at al-Shayrat in April Although the fallout on US—Russia relations was limited, largely because the action was a one-off and Moscow received prior notification, the consequences may not always be so manageable.
Likewise, the Kremlin could hardly ignore any American military action against North Korea. Although it has no love for Kim Jong-un, the proximity of the Korean peninsula to the Russian Far East, and the importance of Sino-Russian partnership, would invite a vigorous response from Moscow.
He wants an America that is weakened, but not so weak as to be a danger, unwitting or otherwise, to Russian interests. Putin must also consider the prospect that the Trump administration becomes so hamstrung by various scandals that its Russia policy falls victim to political expediency. Even if such an apocalyptic scenario does not materialise, Trump may react to growing domestic pressures by seeking to prove that he is not in hock to Moscow, and adopt tougher positions on a raft of Russia-related issues — Syria, Iran, Ukraine, and sanctions.
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We should note, too, that a well-disposed America is not all good news for Putin. It is more difficult to establish what Donald Trump is hoping to achieve in the US—Russia relationship, beyond the obvious — to reach a practical accommodation with Vladimir Putin.
Part of the problem is that during his career he has shown little interest in and even less knowledge of foreign policy.
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His only real exposure to international relations has come when he has negotiated specific business deals. It is also a world view centred on what he dislikes — his is an essentially destructive agenda. It was evident that he had little time for liberal internationalism, democracy promotion or multilateral rules-based regimes. Trump is animated by a profound sense of national grievance. He and Putin are of like mind in the conviction that their countries have been exploited by others for decades, and that this can no longer be tolerated.
Accordingly, both oppose the US-led global order, and have benefited directly from its degradation.
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Trump won the presidential election on the back of widespread anti-elite disenchantment, while Putin has exploited the weakness and loss of confidence among Western policymakers to promote the image of a resurgent Russia led by a master strategist. Discerning what Trump wants from Moscow is complicated by the Russia-related scandals that have engulfed his presidency. Barely a day goes by without a new revelation about the dubious behaviour of senior figures in his administration, including the president himself.
In these turbulent circumstances, Trump has no space in which to develop a coherent foreign policy, let alone chart a course for the US—Russia relationship. Nevertheless, certain things have become clear since he entered the White House. Indeed, such a position would be inconsistent with his long-held opposition to American internationalism. If it were not for the ongoing scandals in Washington, Russia would be a second order priority in US foreign policy.
In this connection, the analogy that is sometimes made between Trump and Ronald Reagan is wholly inappropriate. It is not only inflicting huge reputational damage, but it also prevents him from focusing on the domestic agenda that got him elected in the first place. So for Trump a quick deal with Russia is a good deal, as long as it can be sold to the public. Trump needs to look like a winner, even if it means selling the store to do so.
On the surface, Trump and Putin agree on much. They subscribe to a realist view of international relations, and reveal a certain authoritarian like-mindedness.
And both presidents adopt highly individualised approaches to decision-making, and place great importance on personal relations with other world leaders. Such affinities should offer a reasonable basis for an improved US—Russia relationship. Yet nine months after Trump assumed office, almost nothing has been achieved.
Instead of momentum, there is regression. There has been no movement on counterterrorism cooperation. So why has there been so little progress? There are several reasons. Some are general and long-standing, such as strong anti-Kremlin sentiment in Congress and within the Republican Party.
But the biggest obstacles to movement in the US—Russia relationship arise from the dysfunctionality of the Trump administration. First among these is the all-encompassing distraction of various Russia-related scandals.